“Four Freedoms”
by Franklin D. Roosevelt
Mr. Speaker, members of the 77th
Congress :
I address you, the members of this new Congress,
at a moment unprecedented in the history of the
union. I use the word “unprecedented”
because at no previous time has American security
been as seriously threatened from without as it
is today.
Since the permanent formation of our government
under the Constitution in 1789, most of the periods
of crisis in our history have related to our domestic
affairs. And, fortunately, only one of these –the
four-year war between the States –ever threatened
our national unity. Today, thank God, 130,000,000
Americans in forty-eight States have forgotten
points of the compass in our national unity.
It is true that prior to 1914 the United States
often has been disturbed by events in other continents.
We have even engaged in two wars with European
nations and in a number of undeclared wars in
the West Indies, in the Mediterranean and in the
Pacific, for the maintenance of American rights
and for the Principles of peaceful commerce. But
in no case has a serious threat been raised against
our national safety or our continued independence.
What I seek to convey is the historic truth that
the United States as a nation has at all times
maintained opposition –clear, definite opposition–
to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient
Chinese wall while the procession of civilization
went past.
Today, thinking of our children
and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation
for ourselves or for any other part of the Americas.
That determination of ours, extending over all
these years, was proved, for example, in the early
days during the quarter century of wars following
the French Revolution. While the Napoleonic struggle
did threaten interests of the United States because
of the French foothold in the West Indies and
in Louisiana, and while we engaged in the War
of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade,
it is nevertheless clear that neither France nor
Great Britain nor any other nation was aiming
at domination of the whole world.
And in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914 –ninety-nine
years –no single war in Europe or in Asia constituted
a real threat against our future or against the
future of any other American nation.
Except in the Maximilian interlude in Mexico,
no foreign power sought to establish itself in
this hemisphere. And the strength of the British
fleet in the Atlantic has been a friendly strength;
it is still a friendly strength. Even when the
World War broke out in 1941 it seemed to contain
only small threat of danger to our own American
future. But as time went on, as we remember, the
American people began to visualize what the downfall
of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.
We need not overemphasize imperfections in the
peace of Versailles. We need not harp on failure
of the democracies to deal with problems of world
reconstruction. We should remember that the peace
of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of pacification
which began even before Munich, and which is being
carried on under the new order of tyranny that
seeks to spread over every continent today. The
American people have unalterably set their faces
against that tyranny.
I suppose that every realist knows that the democratic
way of life is at this moment being directly assailed
in every part of the world –assailed either by
arms or by secret spreading of poisionous propaganda
by those who seek to destroy unity and promote
discord in nations that are still at peace.
During sixteen long months this assault has blotted
out the whole pattern of democratic life in an
appalling number of independent nations, great
and small. And the assailants are still on the
march, threatening other nations, great and small.
Therefore, as your President, performing my constitutional
duty to “give to the Congress information
of the state of the union,” I find it unhappily
necessary to report that the future and the safety
of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly
involved in events far beyond our borders.
Armed defense of democratic existence is now being
gallantly waged in four continents. If that defense
fails, all the population and all the resources
of Europe and Asia, Africa and Australia will
be dominated by conquerors. And let us remember
that the total of those populations in those four
continents, the total of those populations and
their resources greatly exceeds the sum total
of the population and the resources of the whole
of the Western Hemisphere –yes, many times over.
In times like these it is immature– and, incidentally,
untrue– for anybody to brag that an unprepared
America, single-handed and with one hand tied
behind its back, can hold off the whole world.
No realistic American can expect from a dictator’s
peace international generosity, or return of true
independence, or world disarmament, or freedom
of expression, or freedom of religion– or even
good business. Such a peace would bring no security
for us or for our neighbors. Those who would give
up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary
safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.
As a nation we may take pride in the fact that
we are soft-hearted; but we cannot afford to be
soft-headed. We must always be wary of those who
with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach
the ism of appeasement. We must especially beware
of that small group of selfish men who would clip
the wings of the American eagle in order to feather
their own nests. I have recently pointed out how
quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring
into our very midst the physical attack which
we must eventually expect if the dictator nation
win this war.
There is much loose talk of our immunity from
immediate and direct invasion from across the
seas. Obviously, as long as the British Navy retains
its power, no such danger exists. Even if there
were no British Navy, it is not probable that
any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us
by landing troops in the United States from across
thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired
strategic bases from which to operate.
But we learn much from the lessons of the past
years in Europe– particularly the lesson of Norway,
whose essential seaports were captured by treachery
and surprise built up over a series of years.
The first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere
would not be the landing of regular troops. The
necessary strategic points would be occupied by
secret agents and by their dupes– and great numbers
of them are already here and in Latin America.
As long as the aggressor nations maintain the
offensive they, not we, will choose the time and
the place and the method of their attack.
And that is why the future of all the American
Republics is today in serious danger. That is
why this annual message to the Congress is unique
in our history. That is why every member of the
executive branch of the government and every member
of the Congress face great responsibility– great
accountability.
The need of the moment is that our actions and
our policy should be devoted primarily– almost
exclusively– to meeting this foreign peril. For
all our domestic problems are now a part of the
great emergency. Just as our national policy in
internal affairs has been based upon a decent
respect for the rights and the dignity of all
of our fellow men within our gates, so our national
policy in foreign affairs has been based on a
decent respect for the rights and the dignity
of all nations, large and small. And the justice
of morality must and will win in the end.
Our national policy is this :
First, by an impressive expression of the public
will and without regard to partisanship, we are
committed to all-inclusive national defense.
Second, by an impressive expression of the public
will and without regard to partisanship, we are
committed to full support of all those resolute
people everywhere who are resisting aggression
and are thereby keeping war away from our hemisphere.
By this support we express our determination that
the democratic cause shall prevail, and we strengthen
the defense and the security of our own nation.
Third, by an impressive expression of the public
will and without regard to partisanship, we are
committed to the proposition that principle of
morality and considerations for our own security
will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated
by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. We know
that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost
of other people’s freedom.
In the recent national election there was no substantial
difference between the two great parties in respect
to that national policy. No issue was fought out
on the line before the American electorate. And
today it is abundantly evident that American citizens
everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy
and complete action in recognition of obvious
danger.
Therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving
increase in our armament production. Leaders of
industry and labor have responded to our summons.
Goals of speed have been set. In some cases these
goals are being reached ahead of time. In some
cases we are on schedule; in other cases there
are slight but not serious delays. And in some
cases– and, I am sorry to say, very important
cases– we are all concerned by the slowness of
the accomplishment of our plans.
The Army and Navy, however, have made substantial
progress during the past year. Actual experience
is improving and speeding up our methods of production
with every passing day. And today’s best is not
good enough for tomorrow.
I am not satisfied with the progress thus far
made. The men in charge of the program represent
the best in training, in ability and in patriotism.
They are not satisfied with the progress thus
far made. None of us will be satisfied until the
job is done.
No matter whether the original goal was set too
high or too low, our objective is quicker and
better results. To give you two illustrations
: We are behind schedule in turning out finished
airplanes. We are working day and night to solve
the innumerable problems and to catch up.
We are ahead of schedule in building warships,
but we are working to get even further ahead of
that schedule. To change a whole nation from a
basis of peacetime production of implements of
peace to a basis of wartime production of implements
of war is no small task. The greatest difficulty
comes at the beginning of the program, when new
tools, new plant facilities, new assembly lines,
new shipways must first be constructed before
the actual material begins to flow steadily and
speedily from them.
The Congress of course, must rightly keep itself
informed at all times of the progress of the program.
However, there is certain information, as the
Congress itself will readily recognize, which,
in the interests of our own security and those
of the nations that we are supporting, must of
needs be kept in confidence. New circumstances
are constantly begetting new needs for our safety.
I shall ask this Congress for greatly increased
new appropriations and authorizations to carry
on what we have begun.
I also ask this Congress for authority and for
funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions
and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over
to those nations which are now in actual war with
aggressor nations. Our most useful and immediate
role is to act as an arsenal for them as well
as for ourselves. They do not need manpower, but
they do need billions of dollars’ worth of the
weapons of defense.
The time is near when they will not be able to
pay for them all in ready cash. We cannot, and
we will not, tell them that they must surrender
merely because of present inability to pay for
the weapons which we know they must have.
I do not recommend that we make them a loan of
dollars with which to pay for these weapons–
a loan to be repaid in dollars. I recommend that
we make it possible for those nations to continue
to obtain war materials in the United States,
fitting their orders into our own program. And
nearly all of their material would, if the time
ever came, be useful in our own defense.
Taking counsel of expert military and naval authorities,
considering what is best for our own security,
we are free to decide how much should be kept
here and how much should be sent abroad to our
friends who, by their determined and heroic resistance,
are giving us time in which to make ready our
own defense.
For what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid
within a reasonable time following the close of
hostilities, repaid in similar materials, or at
our option in other goods of many kinds which
they can produce and which we need. Let us say
to the democracies : “We Americans are vitally
concerned in your defense of freedom. We are putting
forth our energies, our resources and our organizing
powers to give you the strength to regain and
maintain a free world. We shall send you in ever-increasing
numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns. That is our
purpose and our pledge.”
In fulfillment of this purpose we will not be
intimidated by the threats of dictators that they
will regard as a breach of international law or
as an act of war our aid to the democracies which
dare to resist their aggression. Such aid is not
an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally
proclaim it so to be.
And when the dictators –if the dictators– are
ready to make war upon us, they will not wait
for an act of war on our part.
They did not wait for Norway or Belgium or the
Netherlands to commit an act of war. Their only
interest is in a new one-way international law
which lacks mutuality in its observance and therefore
becomes an instrument of oppression. The happiness
of future generations of Americans may well depend
on how effective and how immediate we can make
our aid felt. No one can tell the exact character
of the emergency situations that we may be called
upon to meet. The nation’s hands must not be tied
when the nation’s life is in danger.
Yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to
make the sacrifices that the emergency –almost
as serious as war itself– demands. Whatever stands
in the way of speed and efficiency in defense,
in defense preparations at any time, must give
way to the national need.
A free nation has the right to expect full cooperation
from all groups. A free nation has the right to
look to the leaders of business, of labor and
of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating
effort, not among other groups but within their
own groups.
The best way of dealing with the few slackers
or trouble-makers in our midst is, first, to shame
them by patriotic example, and if that fails,
to use the sovereignty of government to save government.
As men do not live by bread alone, they do not
fight by armaments alone. Those who man our defenses
and those behind them who build our defenses must
have the stamina and the courage which come from
unashakeable belief in the manner of life which
they are defending. The mighty action that we
are calling for cannot be based on a disregard
of all the things worth fighting for.
The nation takes great satisfaction and much strength
from the things which have been done to make its
people conscious of their individual stake in
the preservation of democratic life in America.
Those things have toughened the fiber of our people,
have renewed their faith and strengthened their
devotion to the institutions we make ready to
protect. Certainly this is no time for any of
us to stop thinking about the social and economic
problems which are the root cause of the social
revolution which is today a supreme factor in
the world. For there is nothing mysterious about
the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy.
The basic things expected by our people of their
political and economic systems are simple. They
are :