“Four Freedoms” by Franklin D. Roosevelt

Voices

of the Past. Visions for Tomorrow.

“Four Freedoms”

by Franklin D. Roosevelt

 

 

Mr. Speaker, members of the 77th

Congress :

I address you, the members of this new Congress, at a moment unprecedented

in the history of the union. I use the word “unprecedented” because

at no previous time has American security been as seriously threatened

from without as it is today.

Since the permanent formation of our government under the Constitution in 1789,

most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic

affairs. And, fortunately, only one of these –the four-year war between

the States –ever threatened our national unity. Today, thank God, 130,000,000

Americans in forty-eight States have forgotten points of the compass in

our national unity.

It is true that prior to 1914 the United States often has been disturbed by

events in other continents. We have even engaged in two wars with European

nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the West Indies, in the Mediterranean

and in the Pacific, for the maintenance of American rights and for the

Principles of peaceful commerce. But in no case has a serious threat been

raised against our national safety or our continued independence.

What I seek to convey is the historic truth that the United States as a nation

has at all times maintained opposition –clear, definite opposition– to any

attempt to lock us in behind an ancient Chinese wall while the procession of

civilization went past.

Today, thinking of our children

and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation

for ourselves or for any other part of the

Americas.

That determination of ours, extending over all these years, was proved, for

example, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the

French Revolution. While the Napoleonic struggle did threaten interests of

the United States because of the French foothold in the West Indies and in

Louisiana, and while we engaged in the War of 1812 to vindicate our right to

peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither France nor Great Britain

nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.

And in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914 –ninety-nine years –no single war

in Europe or in Asia constituted a real threat against our future or against

the future of any other American nation.

Except in the Maximilian interlude in Mexico, no foreign power sought to establish

itself in this hemisphere. And the strength of the British fleet in the

Atlantic has been a friendly strength; it is still a friendly strength.

Even when the World War broke out in 1941 it seemed to contain only small

threat of danger to our own American future. But as time went on, as we

remember, the American people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic

nations might mean to our own democracy.

We need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of Versailles. We need

not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction.

We should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the

kind of pacification which began even before Munich, and which is being

carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every

continent today. The American people have unalterably set their faces against

that tyranny.

I suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this

moment being directly assailed in every part of the world –assailed either

by arms or by secret spreading of poisionous propaganda by those who seek

to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace.

During sixteen long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of

democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small.

And the assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great

and small.

Therefore, as your President, performing my constitutional duty to “give

to the Congress information of the state of the union,” I find it unhappily

necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our

democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.

Armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four

continents. If that defense fails, all the population and all the resources

of Europe and Asia, Africa and Australia will be dominated by conquerors.

And let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents,

the total of those populations and their resources greatly exceeds the

sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the Western

Hemisphere –yes, many times over.

In times like these it is immature– and, incidentally, untrue– for anybody

to brag that an unprepared America, single-handed and with one hand tied

behind its back, can hold off the whole world.

No realistic American can expect from a dictator’s peace international generosity,

or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of expression,

or freedom of religion– or even good business. Such a peace would bring

no security for us or for our neighbors. Those who would give up essential

liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor

safety.

As a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are soft-hearted; but we

cannot afford to be soft-headed. We must always be wary of those who with

sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the ism of appeasement. We

must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip

the wings of the American eagle in order to feather their own nests. I

have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could

bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually

expect if the dictator nation win this war.

There is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion

from across the seas. Obviously, as long as the British Navy retains its

power, no such danger exists. Even if there were no British Navy, it is

not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing

troops in the United States from across thousands of miles of ocean, until

it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.

But we learn much from the lessons of the past years in Europe– particularly

the lesson of Norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery

and surprise built up over a series of years.

The first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing

of regular troops. The necessary strategic points would be occupied by

secret agents and by their dupes– and great numbers of them are already

here and in Latin America.

As long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive they, not we, will

choose the time and the place and the method of their attack.

And that is why the future of all the American Republics is today in serious

danger. That is why this annual message to the Congress is unique in our

history. That is why every member of the executive branch of the government

and every member of the Congress face great responsibility– great accountability.

The need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted

primarily– almost exclusively– to meeting this foreign peril. For all

our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency. Just as our

national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect

for the rights and the dignity of all of our fellow men within our gates,

so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect

for the rights and the dignity of all nations, large and small. And the

justice of morality must and will win in the end.

Our national policy is this :

First, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to

partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense.

Second, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to

partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute people

everywhere who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away

from our hemisphere. By this support we express our determination that

the democratic cause shall prevail, and we strengthen the defense and the

security of our own nation.

Third, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to

partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principle of morality

and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce

in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. We know that

enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people’s freedom.

In the recent national election there was no substantial difference between

the two great parties in respect to that national policy. No issue was fought

out on the line before the American electorate. And today it is abundantly

evident that American citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy

and complete action in recognition of obvious danger.

Therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament

production. Leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons.

Goals of speed have been set. In some cases these goals are being reached

ahead of time. In some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are

slight but not serious delays. And in some cases– and, I am sorry to say,

very important cases– we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment

of our plans.

The Army and Navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past

year. Actual experience is improving and speeding up our methods of production

with every passing day. And today’s best is not good enough for tomorrow.

I am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. The men in charge of the

program represent the best in training, in ability and in patriotism. They

are not satisfied with the progress thus far made. None of us will be satisfied

until the job is done.

No matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our objective

is quicker and better results. To give you two illustrations : We are behind

schedule in turning out finished airplanes. We are working day and night

to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up.

We are ahead of schedule in building warships, but we are working to get even

further ahead of that schedule. To change a whole nation from a basis of

peacetime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production

of implements of war is no small task. The greatest difficulty comes at

the beginning of the program, when new tools, new plant facilities, new

assembly lines, new shipways must first be constructed before the actual

material begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.

The Congress of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the

progress of the program. However, there is certain information, as the

Congress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our

own security and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs

be kept in confidence. New circumstances are constantly begetting new needs

for our safety. I shall ask this Congress for greatly increased new appropriations

and authorizations to carry on what we have begun.

I also ask this Congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture

additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over

to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations. Our

most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well

as for ourselves. They do not need manpower, but they do need billions

of dollars’ worth of the weapons of defense.

The time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash.

We cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender merely because

of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have.

I do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for

these weapons– a loan to be repaid in dollars. I recommend that we make

it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the

United States, fitting their orders into our own program. And nearly all

of their material would, if the time ever came, be useful in our own defense.

Taking counsel of expert military and naval authorities, considering what is

best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept

here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who, by their determined

and heroic resistance, are giving us time in which to make ready our own

defense.

For what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a reasonable time

following the close of hostilities, repaid in similar materials, or at

our option in other goods of many kinds which they can produce and which

we need. Let us say to the democracies : “We Americans are vitally

concerned in your defense of freedom. We are putting forth our energies,

our resources and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain

and maintain a free world. We shall send you in ever-increasing numbers,

ships, planes, tanks, guns. That is our purpose and our pledge.”

In fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of

dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as

an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression.

Such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim

it so to be.

And when the dictators –if the dictators– are ready to make war upon us,

they will not wait for an act of war on our part.

They did not wait for Norway or Belgium or the Netherlands to commit an act

of war. Their only interest is in a new one-way international law which

lacks mutuality in its observance and therefore becomes an instrument of

oppression. The happiness of future generations of Americans may well depend

on how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt. No one can

tell the exact character of the emergency situations that we may be called

upon to meet. The nation’s hands must not be tied when the nation’s life

is in danger.

Yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to make the sacrifices that the

emergency –almost as serious as war itself– demands. Whatever stands

in the way of speed and efficiency in defense, in defense preparations

at any time, must give way to the national need.

A free nation has the right to expect full cooperation from all groups. A free

nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor and of

agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups

but within their own groups.

The best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble-makers in our midst

is, first, to shame them by patriotic example, and if that fails, to use

the sovereignty of government to save government.

As men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone. Those

who man our defenses and those behind them who build our defenses must

have the stamina and the courage which come from unashakeable belief in

the manner of life which they are defending. The mighty action that we

are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all the things worth

fighting for.

The nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which

have been done to make its people conscious of their individual stake in the

preservation of democratic life in America. Those things have toughened the

fiber of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion

to the institutions we make ready to protect. Certainly this is no time for

any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are

the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in

the world. For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy

and strong democracy.

The basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems

are simple. They are :

  • Equality of opportunity for youth and for others.

  • Jobs for those who can work.

  • Security for those who need it.

  • The ending of special privilege for the few.

  • The preservation of civil liberties for all.

  • The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly

    rising standard of living.

These are the simple, the basic things that must never be lost sight of in

the turmoil and unbelievable complexity of our modern world. The inner

and abiding straight of our economic and political systems is dependent

upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations. Many subjects

connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. As examples

:

We should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment

insurance.

We should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.

We should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful

employment may obtain it.

I have called for personal sacrifice, and I am assured of the willingness of

almost all Americans to respond to that call. A part of the sacrifice means

the payment of more money in taxes. In my budget message I will recommend

that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation

than we are paying for today. No person should try, or be allowed to get

rich out of the program, and the principle of tax payments in accordance

with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation.

If the congress maintains these principles the voters, putting patriotism ahead

pocketbooks, will give you their applause.

In the future days which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world

founded upon four essential human freedoms.

  • The

    first is freedom of speech and expression

    –everywhere in the world.

  • The

    second is freedom of every person to worship

    God in his own way– everywhere in the world.

  • The

    third is freedom from want, which, translated

    into world terms, means economic understandings

    which will secure to every nation a healthy

    peacetime life for its inhabitants –everywhere

    in the world.

  • The

    fourth is freedom from fear, which, translated

    into world terms, means a world-wide reduction

    of armaments to such a point and in such

    a thorough fashion that no nation will be

    in a position to commit an act of physical

    aggression against any neighbor –anywhere

    in the wold.

That is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis for a kind

of world attainable in our own time and generation. That kind of world

is the very antithesis of the so-called “new order” of tyranny

which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.

To that new order we oppose the greater conception –the moral order. A good

society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions

alike without fear. Since the beginning of our American history we have

been engaged in change, in a perpetual, peaceful revolution, a revolution

which goes on steadily, quietly, adjusting itself to changing conditions

without the concentration camp or the quicklime in the ditch. The world

order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together

in a friendly, civilized society.

This nation has placed its destiny in the hands, heads and hearts of its millions

of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God.

Freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. Our support goes

to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them. Our strength

is our unity of purpose.

To that high concept there can be no end save victory.